Archive for August, 2007

Guatemalan Approves CICIG

| August 5th, 2007

This is clip from Guatevision's news broadcast on 01-08-07 about the CICIG decision. This is how Human Rights First described the decision on CICIG in Guatemala:

“The Guatemalan Congress vote August 1 to approve an international commission of experts to help investigate and prosecute organized crime is a groundbreaking decision, according to Human Rights First, a New York-based international human rights organization.”

“Approval today of the joint Guatemalan – United Nations Commission against Impunity (CICIG) brings to a close almost five years' worth of wrangling over its establishment. The hybrid Commission is the first of its kind and has important functions to determine the extent of the illegal security organizations and their relations with State entities. It will also strengthen Guatemalan judicial institutions by assisting in the investigation and prosecution of such groups.”

“The relatively small Commission will be headed by an individual appointed by the U.N. Secretary-General. It will consist of both international and Guatemalan investigators, forensic experts, prosecutors and jurists familiar with human rights, criminal and international law. It will have a renewable mandate of two years.”

El Periodico pieces together the story of how the CICIG finally came together:

La tormenta se hizo perfecta de una manera insólita. En los seis diputados integrantes de la Unión del Cambio Nacionalista (UCN) que asistieron al pleno esa mañana del miércoles 1 de agosto, quedó la decisión. Tras titubeos, llamadas telefónicas y discusiones entre dos de ellos en los pasillos, hicieron la mayoría calificada. Así se escribió esa historia y, el día después, arrancaron los cabildeos en Nueva York para que la CICIG tenga cara y agenda.

The UN representative Beat Rohr estimates that it's going to take 6-12 months for the CICIG to get started:

El coordinador residente del sistema de las Naciones Unidas en Guatemala, Beat Rohr, calculó hoy que tomará de seis a doce meses el inicio del trabajo de la Comisión Internacional contra la Impunidad, que se encargará de investigar a los grupos clandestinos en ese país.

Ayer, el Congreso guatemalteco aprobó un decreto que da la luz verde a esa entidad responsabilidad de la ONU.

Rohr explicó que estará encabezada por un Comisionado nombrado por el Secretario General de la ONU, Ban Ki-moon, una vez que el presidente guatemalteco sancione el decreto y que la cancillería avise a las Naciones Unidas que puede proceder.

Here's more from the UN website in English about the progress of CICIG.

Background

Roberto Garretón wrote this in El Periodico about the CICIG. He's in the Comité Asesor  of Secretary General of the UN against the Prevention of Genocide.

Photo: Guatevision – Noticias

The way presidential candidate after presidential candidate came on board before the CICIG vote in Congress to support, has all the feel of an important shift in the tide in Guatemalan politics. The sight of Rios Montt and his daughter not getting their way and not being able to game the Guatemalan political system for once is a remarkable moment in its own right.
 
Efrain Rios Montt during his time as President of Guatemala 1982-3 addressing the country in one of his many infamous television broadcasts  Photo: When The Mountains Tremble

Impunity is the issue.

Se acordó hacer la mesa de diálogo en la banqueta de la calle, en frente del edificio ocupado.

We received this press release from CUC:

LAS POLITICAS IMPLEMENTADAS DE ESTE GOBIERNO NO RESUELVEN LA CONFLICTIVIDAD AGRARIA.

Durante este gobierno se ha dado una oleada de desalojos violentos, asesinatos y persecución de los dirigentes de las comunidades que luchan por la recuperación y defensa de la madre  tierra.
 
La política de desagrarización de la conflictividad Rural no se resuelve con la creación de otros fondos como el caso de la reactivación de la economía campesina, la compra de fincas rápidas sin profundizar en la certeza jurídica de la propiedad, los programas de arrendamiento de tierras,  por parte del MAGA; por otra parte está la política de créditos individuales por parte del Fondo de Tierras, la creación de los centros de arbitraje agrario que sólo vienen a generar dispersión y gastos innecesarios para evadir de fondo la crisis agraria.

Por otra parte, la compra de tierras improductivas, la sobrevaloración de tierras, la falta de capital de trabajo, la facilitación de los medios de producción que han accesado  a la tierra ha agudizado más  pobreza y extrema pobreza en el campo y la ciudad. Por lo anteriormente expuesto,

SOLICITAMOS

1.Suspender las amenazas de desalojos a las comunidades que han accesado a tierras por parte del Fondo de Tierras y Banrural.
2.La renegociación de los créditos atorgados a través del Fondo de Tierras, en base a un nuevo avalúo de las fincas.
3.La condonación de las deudas de algunas fincas que no tienen posibilidades de pago.

¡La tierra es Nuestra Madre, no se compra ni se vende, se recupera y se DEFIENDE!

Comité de Unidad Campesina CUC, miembro de CNOC, MICSP, WAKIB’ KEJ, CLOC Y Vía Campesina

You can see more photos of the occupation and protest organised by CUC and CNOC at FONTIERRAS here.

Thanks Mikkel Moldrup-Lakjer for this information. The copy of the Act that was signed by FONTIERRAS, CNOC and CUC is attached.

Fields of Gold

| August 2nd, 2007

From EntreMundos, in Quetzaltenango (Xela to its friends), is this article on the use of crops for food or for fuel with regard to those of the population for whom small changes in the price of food has major consequences.

 

  Fields of Gold

When an eleven-year old girl comes home from school to tell you the price of tortillas in Zacapa, you know that something is amiss. All of her friends, her parents and neighbors have only one thing on their minds – the rising cost of food.

 

  The Hungry Months

We have now entered what are traditionally known throughout Guatemala as the ˜hungry months’, the time when households start to run out of their food reserves from the last harvest that ended in January and depend on the market to buy food until the next harvest in August. This has always been a precarious time of year for the poorest households, the majority of which are found in rural areas where opportunities to earn a wage sufficient to live on are few and far between. The problem of low wages has intensified in recent years with unusually high rates of inflation, particularly for food. In 2005 the cost of food and drinks rose by over 13% while the previous year, the price of tortillas – the central, indispensable ingredient in the Guatemalan diet – had increased by two thirds.

 

This year, however, the situation is set to reach breaking point.

 

  Green Energy

In March, George W. Bush toured Central and South America publicizing the US‘s strategy to reduce the country’s vast, and increasing, problem of carbon emissions by converting to biofuels. ˜Biocombustibles’ are liquid fuels, ethanol or diesel, made not from fossil fuels but from organic crops such as sugarcane, rapeseed or corn. Biofuels have been widely lauded, not only because they provide a much needed alternative to rapidly depleting world reserves of oil, but from an environmental point of view, they are heralded as the key to saving the planet. Burning biofuel generates up to 65% fewer greenhouse gas emissions than traditional fossil fuels. What is more, the crops themselves actually act as ˜carbon sinks’ when they are growing, taking in carbon dioxide from the atmosphere and giving off oxygen. Indeed, many countries in the North have latched onto the idea that by running cars on bioethanol or biodiesel rather than petroleum fuels, they will be able to meet their Kyoto Agreement targets for reducing CO2 emissions.

 

  Meeting the Demand

The European Union has ruled that by 2010, member states must ensure that a tenth of all fuel they use comes from biofuels. The US aims to use bioethanol for a quarter of its transports needs by 2017. And it would seem that these countries are serious about reaching their targets. Last year more than a third of the entire US maize crop went to producing ethanol for fuel, an increase of nearly 50% since 2005. The UN predicts that global production of biofuels will double in the next four years. However, both Europe and the US are well aware that their own countries have nowhere near the land capacity to cultivate all the crops that they would need to meet their own targets, hence President Bush’s recent tour of the Americas. The US has looked to Central and South America, while Europe has targeted Asia to supplement their immense demands for biofuel crops.

 

Yet despite all the hype, environmental and social campaigners have issued grave warnings over biofuels, insisting that not only are they far from being the ˜green energy’ alternative Northern governments proclaim but also that biofuels will have devastating humanitarian impacts for countries in the South.

 

  Saving the Planet?

According to Miguel Altieri, Professor of Agroecology at the University of California, biofuels do not actually reduce carbon emissions. Investigations show that it requires more energy to produce biofuels (including manufacture of machinery, harvesting and distillation) than they provide. The obvious benefit to countries such as the US is that emissions incurred elsewhere do not ˜count’ in their own carbon tally. Furthermore, pressure on agricultural land worldwide means that previously unfarmed areas will be turned over to monocultivation of crops for biofuels. Indeed, the British Environment Secretary has admitted that plantations of palm oil, a biofuel crop, are destroying 0.7% of the Malaysian rainforest every year. Not only does destruction of the rainforest reduce natural habitats, open a country to natural disasters and reduce the world’s ˜carbon sinks’, but burning forested land releases vast amounts of CO2 into the atmosphere.

 

  The High Price of Fuel

While the environmental impacts of world demand for biofuels may not be fully available for a few years yet, the social and humanitarian impacts are already being felt by the world’s poorest. Increased global demand, teamed with insufficient supply has led to one inevitable consequence – the price of biofuel commodities has skyrocketed. Worldwide, prices for maize have roughly doubled in the past year, causing devastating consequences for ordinary Guatemalans whose staple diet is maize and beans.

 

Over the last fifteen years, Guatemala‘s land owning elite have moved away from the cultivation of basic grains, opting instead to cash in on more lucrative export crops such as fruit. To make up the internal shortfall in food supplies, the country has turned to outside markets and importation of maize rose by over 3000% between 1992 and 2002. This has left the country extremely vulnerable to the situation in which it now finds itself.

 

  Full Tanks, Empty Bellies

The grim reality for countries in the South is that biofuel crops are vital to their lives, not for fuel, but for food. One tortilla now costs 0.50Q in Zacapa, double the price it was at the start of the year and every Guatemalan wants to know when it will stop. In a country that suffers from the third highest incidence of child malnutrition worldwide, it’s a desperate situation. Campaigners warn not only will biofuels result in crippling price rises for basic grains, but the fact that fuel crops are now so profitable means that farmers worldwide will chose to cultivate biofuel crops in place of other foods. The knock-on increase in the cost of all food will be hardest felt on the world’s poor. In Guatemala in 2003, the minimum daily agricultural wage wasn’t even enough to buy the ˜basic food basket’- the minimum food sufficient to satisfy a person’s protein and energy requirements). As we enter the ˜hungry months’ of 2007, the country waits to see what impact the North’s insatiable thirst for fuel will have on the lives of Guatemalans.

 

The author of this article, Claire Ellis, is a volunteer for ADIPSA in San Agustín, El Progreso.

 

 

Three years into its existence, the Marlin Gold Mine has produced a long list of social problems for the local communities in the municipality of San Miguel Ixtahuacán.

 

Is this the kind of development we want? What are we to negotiate? There is nothing to negotiate! Can you negotiate life? I do not think you can negotiate life. Health can not be negotiated. In this case, human lives are at risk. Mining is not the model of development we need in our communities. There are other ways to create development in the communities of San Miguel.

 

This photo-essay by James Rodriguez, an independent photo-journalist based in Guatemala, can be found at MiMundo.org.