Participation, volunteering and the social web
Volunteer management
Managing the future of volunteering
Mar 9th

Sean Cobley, Chair of AVM (left) with Nick Hurd MP, Minister for Civil Society at AVM's first conference.
The Association of Volunteer Managers had its inaugural conference today (9th March 2011) focussing on volunteer management and the Big Society. Nick Hurd MP, Minister for Civil Society addressed the conference setting out how he saw the role of volunteer management in the Big Society. He came armed with as many questions as answers, but the fact that he was there at all was surely testament to the recognition of volunteer management’s value to the Government’s current policy agenda.
A short synopsis of what Hurd shared: Big Society is about cultural change, it’s a long process and it’s going to be difficult.
“More than volunteering”
Interestingly, given the audience of professionals working in volunteering- he chose to underline the notion that Big Society is “more than volunteering”. That this point needs to be made at all, signals an underlying sense of how critical volunteering is to the Big Society. Volunteering may not be the be all and end all of the Big Society, but when all’s said and done it’s the idea of volunteering that often resonates the most.
Whatever the link between volunteering and the Big Society in the minds of policy makers, Nick Hurd insisted that volunteer management was a crucial part of the equation. He pointed to the funding specifically for volunteer management that the Office of Civil Society (OCS) is making available through the European Year of the Volunteer as just one example.
He shared a short anecdote about an encounter he had had with Baroness Julia Neuberger at the time of her work on the Commission on the Future of Volunteering. When he asked her for one thing that’s crucial to the future of volunteering she responded simply: “volunteer managers”. This was a Minister keen to build bridges.
Contradictory policy on volunteering
He addressed questions from delegates flagging up aspects of Government policy that seem to run counter to this expressed support for volunteering in the Big Society. For example:
- Budget cuts to the voluntary sector including infrastructure will result in making it harder, not easier for volunteer managers to do their job
- By making public service reform such a prominent aspect of the Big Society, public perception is that the Government is asking volunteers to step into fill gaps left by this deliberate retrenchment of the state. This perception is making it harder, not easier, to recruit volunteers
- Mandatory work activity (JSA reform) runs counter to the ethos of volunteering and the voluntary sector. As a result, work programmes previously run on a voluntary basis with those out of work- would no longer make sense in the voluntary sector if they became mandatory. Again, this policy may lead to less volunteering, not more.
Nick Hurd’s response to the issue of budget cuts seemed to be: ‘we know it’s painful, but it is a temporary adjustment. It will be worth it in the long run’.
His response to the public service reform was to say that this public perception will change over time – and insisted that Government had a role to play in leading this change in perceptions and culture. In fact, he gave the impression that a large part of the Government’s approach to volunteering was in how it could be a vehicle for changing social attitudes to giving and social action. There are a number of policies designed to change the attitudes including the National Citizen Service that’s aimed at the attitudes of the nation’s 16 year olds, the “civic service” initiative which challenges civil servants to rethink their relationship to the communities they work with, amongst others.
In terms of contradictions in Government policy – at one stage Nick Hurd joked, “welcome to government”. But he did not accept the point about mandatory work activity and suggested this contradiction was more semantic, than actual, and could be overcome.
Investment in volunteering infrastructure
In terms of the Government’s role in fostering a vibrant and efficient infrastructure for volunteering in this country, Nick Hurd told delegates that he didn’t “need any lectures on the importance of volunteering infrastructure”.
He agreed it was important, but was not clear on how it could be funded in the future. He believed it should involve Central Government to a degree, but also the Big Lottery Fund and local authorities had to play their part.
Interestingly, he also floated the idea that longer term umbrella organisations should receive much more of their funding direct from their members or “customers”. If this could be achieved, then Hurd believed infrastructure bodies would become much more efficient than they are today.
At the moment, Hurd emphasised, the complex and fragmented system of funding is too thinly spread to make it effective and that too much of volunteer managers’ time is spent fundraising to make it efficient. This issue of infrastructure was one of the big questions that Nick Hurd came back to repeatedly: what kind of infrastructure do we need to be able to improve and shape the quality of volunteering experiences?
The role of the private sector
Another strand of the Government’s approach sketched out by Hurd included more effectively leveraging the links between local businesses and the communities in which they’re present. He spoke about a new initiative to develop “business connectors” who could help establish fruitful relationships for both the voluntary sector and local businesses. This was separate from, but could run in parallel with, the idea to train community organisers to do the same kind of work forging links across communities.
Hurd made reference to the support the Government has given to Chris White’s Private Member’s Bill that aims to make social impact and value a key requirement in the commissioning process in future.
It will be interesting to see whether these kinds of measures will effectively open up the space necessary for volunteering and volunteer management to play a role in service provision that can compete with private sector providers. Some delegates flagged up concerns that services built on volunteer management models would not be able to compete against private sector bids for contracts on price alone.
Professionalisation of volunteer management
When challenged Hurd accepted the development of volunteer management required nudging organisations to change their behaviour, and that it could not all be resolved by establishing the right kind of infrastructure. On the issue of professionalisation of volunteer management, Hurd somewhat baldly stated that he had no interest in this agenda and this should not be the agenda of any government. This [professionalisation], he said, was a matter for volunteer managers themselves.
There were no huge surprises in Hurd’s words, but it was refreshing to have a discussion that centred on how the Government understands what role volunteer management can play in the Big Society agenda. It formed the basis for what was a really informative and productive discussion on the future of the role of volunteer management. Long may this dialogue and discussion with volunteer managers continue.
Volunteering adding value to services taken away
Feb 13th
There’s a mantra from volunteer management’s missing manual that’s often repeated. It goes something like this:
“the role of volunteering in public service delivery is to add value”
It comes with a caveat though: if no public service exists for volunteers to add value to, all bets are off. Up to now, that’s meant that volunteers that identify a social need (that no current public service meets), always have the last resort of mustering all the resources they can get their hands on and providing the service themselves.
New territory
This model of volunteering in public services built around adding value has developed over many years. In particular, the emphasis of adding value to established services seeks to avoid the spectre of volunteering roles substituting paid roles. Now with the Big Society we’re entering new territory. It’s a policy with the express aim of substituting public services that are publicly funded, with citizen-powered services that may be publicly and or privately funded.
As David Cameron restates in his recent defence of the Big Society:
“devolving power to the lowest level so neighbourhoods take control of their destiny; opening up our public services, putting trust in professionals and power in the hands of the people they serve; and encouraging volunteering and social action so people contribute more to their community”
Despite these kinds of references to how volunteering is at the heart of the Big Society project, it’s still not clear what it’s impact on volunteering will be. One defining feature of Big Society policy is how public service reform will impact on how we think about volunteering.
Too often this debate has been framed as two competing assumptions about whether volunteering and voluntary action are:
- a ‘nice to have’ because they provide additional goods and services of public value; or,
- a fundamental part of our society because they are the way we can access many public goods and services at all.
These competing visions of volunteering are nothing new, and actually aren’t really in competition at all. Despite how they’re often presented. Now with Big Society reform on the policy agenda it feels like there’s a new impetus to better understanding the tension between how these two visions intersect. Changing how these ways of approaching volunteering come together could mean a radically redefined sense of volunteering, not just in public service delivery, but beyond.
Volunteers complement and supplement
When I saw Janet Fleming citing the ‘adding value’ mantra in her post, “Placing a volunteer in a key role raises many issues” for the Voluntary Sector Network’s blog, it struck me just how this prevailing consensus about volunteering is being challenged by the current Big Society debate.
Fleming illustrated the thrust of her argument about volunteering at a senior level in an organisation by quoting the agreement between Volunteering England and the TUC:
- The involvement of volunteers should complement and supplement the work of paid staff, and should not be used to displace paid staff or undercut their pay and conditions of service;
- The added value of volunteers should be highlighted as part of commissioning or grantmaking process but their involvement should not be used to reduce contract costs;
This agreement highlights why the mantra about volunteers adding value has featured so prominently in thinking and practice in the UK over the last decade: job substitution. For many years the emphasis has been on ‘involving volunteers’ in the delivery of public services. For example, in 2003 the National Centre for Volunteering produced a report typical of the time called “Changing the Face of Social Services – Volunteers adding value in service delivery” (PDF). It provided guidance on good practice for involving volunteers in public services:
First of all, it’s important to decide if you actually want to involve volunteers. Try talking to peers and colleagues in other social services departments or NHS Trusts to help you make your decision. You’ll need to ask:
- Are there specific projects or departments you’d like to involve volunteers in, and are there roles for them to complement your service?
- How will they add value?
- How will they help you to deliver your strategic plan and meet your objectives? [p.21]
In 2008, the Commission on the Future of Volunteering essentially reiterated this position, albeit in different tone, when it recommended that:
“…Where employers involve volunteers in their work, which many charities do as a matter of course. There is more scope for developing this in the public sector and, where it is delivering services on behalf of the state, the private sector (for example, care homes and prison services). The critical tests are that volunteers add genuine value and do not substitute for core service provision.” [p.11-12]
However, this position assumes we’re clear about what exactly ‘core service provision’ is. With Big Society and the very deliberate retrenchment of the state the official goal posts have moved. We’re now radically unclear about what current ‘core service provision’ is. In other words, where are the services and what future is there for the services that volunteers can add value to?
Big Society redefines volunteering
Big Society proponents appear to have another vision for the role of volunteers (otherwise known as citizens contributing to their community). Volunteers’ activity could well play a part in deciding where local communities draw the line between essential and non-essential services. Voluntary action may be both arbiter and agent- helping to decide what services exist and helping to carry them out too.
However, by giving volunteering such a double meaning risks politicising the act of volunteering to help with the delivery of local public services.
- If I volunteer for a public service that’s no longer considered as ‘core service provision’ and has lost its funding, how will volunteering with the service impact on the professionalisation of that provision?
- Will engagement of volunteers fill a short term gap in capacity to deliver a service? Or will volunteering with the service undermine the future case for scarce state funds?
- Will the costs of volunteer management be recognised and met by local authorities contracting out services?
In such a highly charged atmosphere where the issue of what services are part of core provision is debated, the choice to volunteer may well have ramifications beyond the volunteering role itself.
Many proponents of the Big Society seemed remarkably relaxed about this fundamental change in our conception of volunteering in public services and its possible politicisation.
Lord (Nat) Wei, a recently appointed politician, seems more relaxed than most. His comment, “there is a myth that Big Society is all about volunteering” sought to downplay the significance of a key Big Society advisor within government cutting down on his own volunteering. His response to the furore surrounding the announcement about his new working arrangment, was symptomatic of the Big Society argument that we need to loosen certain established ideas about what volunteering is. Yet it’s striking just how little debate there is about what volunteering will be like in the Big Society given how fundamental it is to the policy.
Stakes are big
In Greater London Volunteering’s (GLV) Principles of Volunteering:
“Volunteer roles should enhance the activities of a charity or social enterprise, unless, and particularly in the case of wholly volunteer-led groups, it would otherwise fail to have sufficient staff resources to conduct its activities”.
This idea of volunteers either “adding value” to services or providing them as a last resort (volunteering to provide services that neither the public or private sector provide) needs to be joined up. How they’re joined is crucial because it reflects the delicate balance in the voluntary sector between empowering volunteers and fostering greater professionalisation. Badly managed volunteering can undercut the hard won and often fragile professional development of the voluntary sector’s workforce. The fine details of this issue seem lost on many Big Society proponents whose first reaction is to assume a professional voluntary sector is some kind of tautology brought about by misguided Big Governmentalists.
Public service reform
David Cameron insists that Big Society is not related to the cuts in public services. It may not be connected with the need to reduce the public deficit, but it seems a curious thing to argue that a reduction in funding for public services is not connected to the idea of the retrenchment of the state. The upshot of this retrenchment, cuts or no cuts, means that we’re entering a period where the Government is effectively changing the terms about which public services the citizen should expect the state to underwrite.
Public service reform is to be driven, in part, by voluntary organisations and charities involving volunteers and delivering services. To facilitate this, the Government back in December 2010 removed the Two-Tier Code on public sector service contracts:
“The Coalition Government has committed to opening up government procurement and reducing costs. It has also set itself the aspiration that 25% of government contracts should be awarded to small and medium-sized businesses.”
SME’s, social enterprises, charities, voluntary groups and staff owned mutual providers are all conceived of as potential providers of public services. With a Big Society Bank to help finance and capitalise new service providers. This bank will be funded by commercial banks on a commerical basis. Cameron has pledged that charities will be able to competitively bid for public service contracts.
Charities will have the opportunity to exchange grant-based income with contract-based income and commercial loans. It’s a process that would seem to encourage charities to view the volunteering they foster as a means to an end (delivery of the contract), rather than an end in itself. The story of the WRVS volunteer-run hospital tea-bar in St Albans Hospital (via Karl Wilding) that’s making way for a private franchise high street coffee shop, seems such a poignant example of this transformation in the way volunteering may well evolve in organisations that adopt more contract-based practices. Experience shows that when we lose sight of volunteering as an end in itself, all too often it becomes undervalued and expendable. Can the idea of volunteering as an end in itself persist against a backdrop of contracts?
Redrawing the line
The offering of service contracts is linked to the policy of ‘payment by results’. Core services funded by right will decline, replaced by services where providers are paid by the results they achieve. This means that there will be increasing uncertainty about the future of different public services. Libraries are a prominent and controversial example of the redrawing of that line.
The government was advised in a KMPG report (PDF) to implement “aggressively, consistently and systematically” a new policy of payment by results. When it comes to redrawing the line on what deserves public financial support, the report’s authors Alan Downey, Paul Kirby and Neil Sherlock, all KMPG partners, cited the example of public libraries:
“Local government should seek to devolve to the most local level possible and to encourage communities to take over services. One example would be libraries. Libraries face funding challenges – in that they are more discretionary than other services…”
The give away is that when the authors talk about “encouraging communities to take over services”, in the next breath they mention “funding challenges”. The retrenchment of the state is quite clearly about reducing the amount of money spent by the state. No bad thing. However, anyone in volunteer management knows it is a mistake to see volunteering as a cheap option. As Jayne Cravens has succinctly argued on her blog – volunteer empowerment can be about many things- but if the overriding driver is “saving money”, then volunteer-powered solutions are not the answer.
New perspectives on an old debate
And so this takes me to a final reflection about how those in volunteer management are often curiously polarised by this debate about added value. Whether volunteering should focus ‘adding value’ to already existing public services or whether volunteering’s real value is providing safety net services in the absence of other public services is a matter a considerable debate.
As the Big Society debate deepens and policy is enacted on the ground, the implications of this policy on volunteering come up against new questions.
- Are we too locked into this view that volunteering is primarily about adding value when it comes to public service delivery?
- Are we in danger of advocating volunteering for the sake of volunteering, rather than for the sake of service delivery?
- To what extent is the Big Society forcing us to rethink the relationship between volunteers, voluntary sector professionals and public sector professionals?
Look forward to discussing these issues in the days, weeks and months ahead
Update
Interesting link to report commissioned by the Community Development Foundation about volunteering in public roles (mapping civic activists to use their terminology) – it complemented the ongoing national evaluation of the Take Part pathfinder prog.
Clarity of purpose
Oct 17th
I gave a short talk this week at the Expert Volunteer Summit organised by the Career Development Group (CDG). It got me thinking about some of the analysis we need to do, prior to involving volunteers in the delivery of an already existing service- particularly if those services are online.
The experience that’s helped to shape my thinking on this, is setting up the peer advisor programme where we trained young people to help respond to relationships questions on YouthNet‘s online support service askTheSite. Over more than five years, we’ve trained almost 400 people to get involved and help us deliver the askTheSite service.
It’s important to be clear that by involving volunteers, the volunteers’ needs have to be considered in their own right. The delivery of the programme can not simply put the needs of the volunteers to one side, and focus on the needs of their beneficiaries.
The reason for making this separation between the needs of the volunteers and the beneficiaries of the service comes down to the importance of understanding motivation – both as a volunteer manager and as a service deliverer.
We must be clear about the motivation of the service deliverer (usually the organisation) to meet the needs of the beneficiaries. To do this, we must understand the needs of the beneficiaries.
But we must be equally clear about the complex intrinsic personal motivations of the volunteers to get involved and help provide the service. To do this, we must understand the needs of the volunteers.
Ends and Means
Often the involvement of volunteers in delivering services is viewed in fairly mechanistic terms: viewing volunteers simply as a means to an end. However, volunteering is also an end in itself (over and above the products and services it delivers). A programme that views volunteers simply as a means to an end, is very probably not realising the full potential that volunteers can bring to their service delivery programme.
Volunteers may be a means to amazing ends, but their true value goes beyond the help they deliver to the service’s users. The value of volunteering includes all the impacts the volunteering has on the volunteers themselves, the organisation they’re a part of and the wider community (see IVR’s impact assessment toolkit for example).
Given this multiplicity of impacts of volunteering means one of the key challenges of volunteer management in service delivery is balancing the needs of volunteers and the needs of beneficiaries.
Volunteering begins with a clear call to action
To engage volunteers, a clear call to action is vital. Whether this call involves a single task or a fully fledged role, there needs to be a clarity of purpose on the part of the volunteer involver. In other words, the reasons or motivations for involving volunteers in service delivery need to be clear and palpable.
If the volunteer managers are clear what this fundamental reason is: the easier it is to communicate to the volunteers what they need to do, and how it meets the needs of the beneficiaries.
The web has tended to offer that clarity by reducing volunteering to its constituent tasks. For example, participation on Wikipedia can be as a fully fledged Wikipedian curating content or as a one-off editor. The striking thing about Wikipedia’s clarity is that it can measure involvement in terms of the usefulness of the respective task to beneficiaries (such as correcting a typo or adding a sentence to an already existing article) way before you ever reach Wikipedian status.
Web-based calls to action often, initially, play down the need for commitment, and play up the belief in the network effect. As a result of the power of networks, you can believe in the meaningfulness of your individual act of kindness online, even without much evidence of it’s impact. As an online volunteer, you’re often a step back from the beneficiaries of the service or product you’re helping to provide.
For example, peer advisors on askTheSite only have contact with the service’s beneficiaries at a distance, simply because of the anonymity the service very deliberately offers to its users. An advisor won’t have any contact with the user, other than through the question the user asks. And almost certainly, will never get any direct feedback from the user about what they thought of the question, due to this level of confidentiality afforded to users.
The smaller the task offered up as the call to action, such as with online crowdsourcing or microvolunteering, the more we begin to rely on this “means to an end” logic about the value of volunteering. The more menial or repetitive the task, the harder it becomes for a volunteer to see the opportunity as a form of personal development that satisfies their inner human needs.
The value of these smaller tasks carried out online by separate individuals distributed across a network, becomes tied to how it provides a socially beneficial service or product that responds to the needs of others. The needs of the volunteers that this kind of volunteering can meet over the longer term are severely reduced.
Volunteers don’t need to have direct access to the evidence of how their volunteering helps the identified beneficiaries (although this never hurts). But they do need a narrative upon which they can hang their own personal motivations for volunteering.
Realising the clear purpose
A clear purpose for volunteering (particularly online) is reinforced by:
- Straightforward pathways into the volunteering opportunity, from the entry points such as recruitment (web can simplify these pathways) through to the training for each volunteer as they learn the ropes of service delivery (elearning is transforming training possibilities for online volunteers)
- Structured flexibility – there has to be enough flexibility to the role so that each volunteer can make the opportunity their own, but enough structure so that the volunteers’ contributions are in sync with each other (web can make volunteering more flexible: when and where it takes place) – an example is flexible shifts and places of work
- Abundant support – volunteers need support is they are to deliver a service sustainably whether that’s from their peers, skilled mentors, auxiliary services (such as administration) or getting feedback from service users (web can help provide support networks for volunteers)
However, a clear purpose for involving volunteers and understanding the organisation’s motivation for involving volunteers counts for nothing, if organisations ignore what motivates the volunteers to get involved in the first place.
Understanding motivation to volunteer
There’s a huge wealth of research into why volunteers volunteer. I’ve gone into some of this research in a previous post. Many topline findings point to the fact that volunteers are often primarily motivated by the idea of helping others. This makes intuitive sense. However, to assume that volunteers get involved in service delivery only because they want to help the beneficiaries, is simplistic in the extreme. Below this primary motivation to help, is a complex interplay between all kinds of personally specific factors.
Clary et al [1] have famously categorised these motivational factors for volunteering.
What’s important, though, is how central understanding volunteering motivation is to good volunteer management. It comes back to understanding the needs of your volunteers, not just your beneficiaries.
It’s telling that research into what motivates us to work at all, can be boiled down to extrinsic and intrinsic motivational factors. Extrinsic factors are the typical carrots and sticks (like paying incentives or threatening disciplinary action)- the sledgehammers that managers of paid employees have relied on in the past.
Writers such as Dan Pink and Bruno Frey, make the point that managers are much more effective in motivating their employees if they can tap into the intrinsic motivators, those things within us that can drive us to be productive and achieve great things in our work. Such intrinsic motivators might be ambitions, dreams or even our simple desire to learn and improve at what we do.
An insight volunteer managers have always understood
This insight is nothing new to volunteer managers. Those who engage with volunteers have never had the chance to resort to the same extrinsic motivators with volunteers, such as offer financial incentives or threaten volunteers with the sack. As a result, any volunteer manager worth their salt, builds their volunteering programme with an eye to what it is that motivates their volunteers to engage and deliver services.
By the way, it’s for this reason that internships promising work, placements enforced by schools and explicit gifts incentivising volunteering are all controversial. They all suggest extrinsic motivations can play a substantial part in volunteering.
With online volunteering, extrinsic motivations is even further out of the picture.
As a result, it’s even more crucial that a volunteer working remotely should been driven by their own set of inner motivations. For example, the distance and the so-called online disinhibition effect can numb the emotional cost of walking away from the commitment or make it harder to block out competing demands on a volunteer’s time that may be physically more immediate to them than remote beneficiaries, tasks or duties undertaken.
This online ‘psychological’ distance can make it harder to establish the clarity needed to ensure that there’s a clear alignment between what the volunteer wants out of their volunteering experience and the purpose of the volunteering. There is always room for confusion and misinterpretation to occur, unless the online communication between volunteer manager and volunteer is carefully and shrewdly managed.
Ultimate success
Ultimately, the success of volunteering programmes lives and dies by this understanding of the motivations and needs in play when volunteers are involved in delivering services.
This means the volunteer manager (and their organisation) understanding why they are involving volunteers, but more crucially it means the volunteer manager understanding why volunteers get involved in the volunteering programme.
This understanding must be rendered explicit and renewed regularly by the volunteer manager, as all too often it is left at the level of implicit understanding which can become confused, misunderstood or altered over the lifetime of the volunteering programme.
The web while presenting many challenges in this respect, also presents us with new ways to understand and reconcile our motivations as volunteer managers with those of our volunteers, for the benefit of those that together we aim serve.
Notes
1. Clary, E., Snyder, M., Ridge, R., Copeland, J., Stukas, A., Haugen, J., Miene, P. (1998), ‘Understanding and assessing the motivations of volunteers: a functional approach’, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 7 (6), pages 1516– 0.
Receiving gifts
May 23rd
“Should not the giver be thankful that the receiver received? Is not giving a need? Is not receiving, mercy?” Friedrich W. Nietzsche
“I know what I have given you. I do not know what you have received.” Antonio Porchia
Both these quotes neatly make the point that it takes two for giving to take place: a giver and a receiver. It’s easy to focus on the giver, but it’s also crucial to understand the act of receiving gifts from others. After all, for giving to be meaningful, there’s a requirement for someone to receive it.
Dan Ariely, a behavioural economist, points out that there are different possible reasons why we might prefer not to receive gifts. First, it might have something to do with the fact that our need for the gift might place us outside the perceived social norm. As a result we might be embarrassed, threatened or even humiliated by accepting a gift.
Another reason might be to do with how giving creates connections between people. Some people might want the gift, but not the relationship that comes with it. In other words, some might not want to receive gifts because they don’t want to feel like they owe someone something.
Behavioural economists use the term ‘social utility’ to describe outcomes that are socially useful. In these terms, the person on the receiving end of a gift is accepting they owe something to the giver, and as a result the receiver is granting the giver social utility. This social debt (non-monetary) effectively represents a cost to the receiver. So this may explain why some people might wish to receive the gift anonymously to get the benefit of the gift, without the social cost of owing reciprocation to the giver. See Ariely’s example in the video above of the guy who prefers to enjoy the gift of the sweets anonymously.
An obligation to receive
In Western tradition, gifts are understood as free in the sense that they’re unsolicited, require no reciprocity and represent a private gesture (not a public/social gesture). French anthropologist Marcel Mauss’s ideas from the time just after the First World War, ran counter to this tradition. He saw giving gifts as the pre-cursor to barter, because giving comes with obligations and is self-interested. He pointed to this cost when he set out the moral obligations of receiving and then reciprocating. For Mauss, there was an obligation on the receiver of the gift to accept. The three Maussian obligations are:
- The obligation to give
- The obligation to receive
- The obligation to return
The point is that in the very idea of gift-exchange, the recipient has the obligation to receive. Not accepting a gift would imply that the targeted recipient does not accept either the relationship itself or the specific sentiment the gift conveys. Mauss’s particular theory for why this is so has to do with how he thought the gift someone gave came with the spirit of the giver. As a result, the receiver of the gift could not reject a gift. To reject it, would be to reject the person offering the gift themselves. In practical terms, this obligation to receive works because the receiver knows who the giver is and vice versa. It’s because of this personal connection that a social obligation’s formed. Not to respond would be to lose face. Moreover, to accept without reciprocating is to demonstrate inferiority.
However, as Dan Ariely has pointed out in his studies of economic behaviour, people go to great lengths to avoid accepting gifts. This old anecdote from V. Mihailescu, cited by Chris Hann in his article ‘The Gift and Reciprocity: Perspectives from Economic Anthropology’:
In Cristian, an originally German but now multi-ethnic village in Transylvania, a Romanian peasant gifts her Saxon neighbour a few new-born ducklings. I brought you some ducklings, I have way too many- the Romanian explains. The Saxon politely refuses. The Romanian insists, and, after a long ‘negotiation’ the two women agree that the Saxon will pay the countervalue of the ducklings. The Romanian leaves, slightly in doubt, and the Saxon explains to me: Imagine if I would have accepted! Who knows what she would ask me later on, and we’d keep endlessly going in this manner. But now, in this way we are even!
So the idea goes, while giving was more appropriate where people knew each other better and had personal relationships, i.e. with family, friends and neighbours, etc., giving was more problematic with those that they were not as intimate with or close to. In these circumstances where people knew each other less well, trading and commercial exchange were more appropriate. It meant that the relationship didn’t need to extend beyond the act of giving and receiving itself. You sell something to me, I buy it. That’s the end of the matter. There’s no obligation to do anything more beyond that deal.
As we leap forward in time, and look at giving and receiving on the web certain parallels apply. Peter Kollock explains this distinction between gift exchange and commodity transactions in his article, ‘The Economies of Online Cooperation: Gifts and Public Goods in Cyberspace‘:
A gift transaction involves a diffuse and usually unstated obligation to repay the gift at some future time. Gift exchanges should not involve explicit bargaining or demands that the gift be reciprocated, but a relationship in which there is only giving and no receiving is unlikely to last. The contrast to a gift exchange is a commodity transaction, in which no obligation exists after the exchange is consummated – the bottle of water purchased at a convenience store does not create an obligation to buy something there again.
In addition, Kollock underlines the nature of the bond or connection that’s made through giving. Gifts are typically exchanged between people in an ongoing interdependent relationship. One person buys from the other, both are individual agents acting in their own self-interest. Kollock continues:
A gift is also tied in an inalienable way to the giver. This is to say that gifts are unique: it is not simply a sweater, but rather the sweater-that-Bill-gave-me. In contrast, commodities are not unique and derive no special value having been acquired from person X rather than person Y – a pound of flour is a pound of flour is a pound of flour when purchased at a supermarket.
Receiving what volunteers give
So how does all this apply to volunteering? As posted in the previous post, volunteering is a social construct. It’s developed to enable us to give to the strangers we live with and alongside in our urbanised societies. As Richard Titmuss showed in relation to blood donation, the aim has been to create a system that scales the Western concept of the free gift and makes it social. Titmuss said in his book ‘The Gift Relationship’: “Unlike gift-exchange in traditional societies, there is in the free gift of blood to unnamed strangers no contract of custom, no legal bond, no functional determinism, no situations of discriminatory power, domination, constraint or compulsion, no sense of shame or guilt, no gratitude imperative…“. Titmuss wanted to remove the element of social obligation from the act of giving.
People can give to the system, without creating personal obligations for specific individuals who may receive the gift. So in the case of blood donation, donors of blood can give without obliging those who receive the blood to give blood themselves. The obligation, in as far as it exists, is to a generalised conception of the wider community. People can freely give, receivers can freely receive. How many volunteers say they are giving back, but without knowing exactly who they are giving back to?
Volunteering as a idea, has developed along similar lines to blood donation. Volunteers can give to a cause, while the beneficiaries can receive without feeling obligated to specific individuals. In fact, these ideas have massively evolved over the 20th Century. In my own experience, organisations I’ve worked with have become increasingly conscious of the obligations that receiving gifts places on those who receive them (namely the service users).
Many vulnerable families have spoken of the importance of being able to give back to the projects they have received support from, and how disempowering having to rely on charity can become. I remember one man in Brussels from a street project I was connected with through ATD Quart Monde, said that the first time you went to receive free food it was great, the second time it was ok, but by the third, fourth, fifth time, having to receive food before you could eat was one of the worst things in the world. It loaded the vulnerable with social debt, with no way of reciprocating. The end result: the giving exacerbated the social exclusion it was intended to address.
As third sector organisations have better understood this obligation to receive and give back, increasing emphasis is made on the need for participation or co-production in the giving activities that are organised throughout the third sector. Essentially, these ideas are other ways to express the importance of being able to take on this obligation to receive and give back. It is incredibly difficult to build meaningful relationships with service users, and service users with service providers, when there is no way of reciprocating the gifts offered and received.
In an age of participation and active citizenship, it’s easy to forget that volunteering’s roots lie in an early form of enabling beneficiaries to reciprocate or in Maussian terms, to carry out their obligation to give back. For more on this recent history see Steven Howlett’s paper ‘Lending a hand to lending a hand‘ (PDF) that traces the development of volunteering (in particular the development of volunteer centres) in the UK since the Second World War.
In many cases, volunteers do not know the people who receive the benefit of the services they offer, while by the same token many recipients do not know the identity of the volunteers who’ve contributed to the goods and services they receive. The givers and receivers remain strangers to one another.
In the absence of any direct relationship between givers and receivers, there’s an argument that can be made that volunteer managers and supporters almost act as proxy receivers. Volunteer managers have many obligations, as they receive the services that the volunteers they manage offer, such as thanking them for their giving and finding suitable ways to reciprocate the gifts they receive on behalf of service users. The same goes for fundraisers who receive gifts and donations for the cause who, equally, must show gratitude and reciprocate in an appropriate way on behalf of the beneficiaries of the cause.
Managing inappropriate giving is often cited by volunteer managers as one of the toughest issues in volunteer management. How should you refuse the offer of service from a volunteer who doesn’t seem suitable for the role? How do you tell a volunteer that they are no longer required when their form of giving becomes inappropriate?
Obligation to support volunteers
It is certainly difficult to refuse an offer from a volunteer without turning the process into some kind of transaction. Many volunteers are surprised that it is so hard to volunteer. To the general public following gift logic, it makes no sense that their offer to give should not be gratefully received. Yet many in volunteer management use the logic of transaction, we [the organisation] can offer such and such support, if you [the volunteer] can offer this support. The controversy about volunteer agreements is not just about the legalities of ‘consideration’. It’s also about this clash between gift exchange and commodity transaction.
CSV’s policy of accepting all volunteers is an example of a distinctive approach to this particular issue:
At CSV we believe that everyone can be a volunteer. We reject no one. We believe that volunteering is about not only helping vulnerable or marginalised people but also empowering them to become active in the community, build skills and confidence and increase their options whilst making a difference.
CSV’s long standing policy, with its emphasis on supporting volunteering, makes volunteer manager’s obligation to receive explicit, even if volunteer managers are ‘receivers by proxy’. If we accept that prospective volunteers come bearing gifts, it can alter the way we see the issue of supported volunteering. Many supported volunteering initiatives take the logic of the volunteer manager’s ‘obligation to receive’ to its ultimate conclusion. We need to respect anyone who offers to give by volunteering for a project or service.
Supported volunteering reflects a broader social reality that if someone wants to give, it’s the responsibility of those who invite gifts from prospective volunteers, to do all they can to enable the volunteer to participate and give. In fact, the existence of supported volunteering as an idea is an acceptance of the fact that the line between the helper and the helped is not as clear cut as might be assumed. That’s to say, the relationship between service user and provider is often built on reciprocity and plenty of mutual support. For more of supported volunteering there’s Chances4Volunteering and Supported Volunteering London from GLV.
Receiving gifts of the web
In ‘The Power of Gifts: Organising Social Relationships in Open Source Communities‘ Magnus Bergquist and Jan Ljungberg look at how gifts on the web don’t necessarily have anyone who receives them.
Gifts are often not given to anyone in particular. They are made public (on web pages) and thereby made available to anyone who cares to make use of them. An application or some information does not really become a gift until someone finds it and makes use of it.
On the web the receiver is often unknown to the person offering the gift.
Gifts are placed on various homepages and ftp sites, and anybody can download a piece of information or an executable file and use it for various purposes. But this only counts for the Internet in general. The interesting question is in which social context gift giving on the Internet gets its social meaning. The focus for the production of meaning in the gift economy on the Internet is the various kinds of communities in which people share some understanding of the context they are involved in. They are not unknown to each other, which does not mean that they have to be personally acquainted.
The web mediates between the giver and the receiver in an interesting way. The fact that gifts online are often not given to anyone in particular, means the obligation to receive is much weaker than it would be if it was played out in the same way between two people face to face. It’s often time and space that separates giver from receiver online, while with more traditional giving through a charity it is an organisation that mediates the relationship between giver and receiver.
As the obligation to receive can be much weaker on the web, often giver and receiver are brought together only once the receiver decides to make the connection. Typically receivers can make use of the gift anonymously, should it be posted online on say a forum or a social network. This anonymity can allow the receiver to dodge the social connection should they want to. In this situation online, it’s the prerogative of the receiver to contact and connect with the giver. It’s a reversal of the process offline where two people give and receive face to face.
How will this new world where giving is driven by the receivers change the way we volunteer? This is an issue I’ll be looking at in a future post :- )
Further stuff
Professional values
May 9th
Professionalism is interesting because it’s an idea that’s consistent both with relations that are exchange-based and relations that are gift-based. In John Craig’s publication for Demos, ‘Production Values‘, it covers how professionalism is changing in today’s society. For Craig, there’s a fundamental tension in the way we perceive professionalism.
On the one hand, professionals are neutral experts upholding certain ethical values that we hold dear as a society universally, while on the other professionals represent a narrow particular interest group in society in their role as producers of certain goods or services. To illustrate this Craig has two quotes from Tony Blair in 2005:
The best solution is to do what the police say they need in order to protect the country from terrorism.
Public service reforms must be driven by the wishes of the users not the producers.
These quotes allude to two further points. First, that professions that come together can influence the political agenda. Professionals represent a political force in society today. And second, that professionals authority is increasingly challenged by the relative rise in the clout of the consumer or service user. There is increasing pressure to organise services around those the professionals serve which is significantly changing the relationship between the professional and their clients.
The web in particular is playing a role in changing this relationship by reversing the information asymmetry (professionals no longer hold a monopoly on access to information). The web’s also connecting service users together, enabling them to more effectively challenge the professionals. They Work for You, Mypolice and Patient Opinion are some examples of this trend.
I’m particularly interested in how this idea of professionalism is influencing the development in the voluntary sector. According to Richard Reeves and John Knell, there are four principle ways in which professions can define themselves and which I want to explore in this post:
- Restricting entry into the labour market, e.g. by requiring specific formal qualifications
- Organising labour to maximise the profession’s political and economic leverage
- Creation and articulation of a professional ethos (set of shared values by which the profession’s work is conducted)
- Establishing recognition of the impact of the profession’s work
The following is paraphrased from Reeves and Knell’s article, “Good work and professional work” from the Demos publication ‘Production Values’ cited above:
Restricting entry into the labour market
Formal qualifications (like PGCE, MD, LLB, ACCA ONE and others) that restrict entry to a profession perform a number of functions:
- It gives the profession a certain amount of control over who can claim to be part of the profession
- It gives the professional recognition and a mechanism for identifying excellence
- It provides the service user or consumer with assurance over the quality of the work of the professional
- It forms the basis of trust between the service users and the professionals
Organising professional labour
Trade bodies (colleges, societies, associations and trades unions to a certain extent) can often act as powerful voices for the interests of a particular profession to maximise their political and economic leverage. The problem for these bodies is that they often blur the line between the occupational interests of their members and those of the users of their services.
In ‘The rise of professional society: England since 1880′ by Harold James Perkin:
Specialisation leads directly to professionalism. Specialists rapidly form guilds, association, clubs or unions to enhance their status, protect their skills from competition, and increase their incomes. That some become organised professions and others trade unions is due to a trick of the English language, aided by English snobbery. Profession… originally meant any occupation, and the more prestigious trades were distinguished by the adjectives ‘liberal’ (meaning gentlemanly) and ‘learned’ (meaning institutionally educated) professions.
By dropping the epithets the more prestigious occupations, chiefly the clergy, law and medicine, laid claim to the exclusive label of ‘profession’, which came to mean an occupation which so effectively controlled its labour market that it never had to behave like a trade union.
Creation and articulation of a professional ethos
What distinguishes a professional is not just their expertise and knowledge, it’s also about their motivation, i.e. it’s not a technical category, it’s about the values that back up the technical ability. The medical profession’s Hippocratic oath is one of the most celebrated expressions of a professional ethos. Take this quote from the oath for example:
Most especially must I tread with care in matters of life and death. If it is given me to save a life, all thanks. But it may also be within my power to take a life; this awesome responsibility must be faced with great humbleness and awareness of my own frailty. Above all, I must not play at God.
In many cases unlike the Hippocratic oath, professionals don’t always express their ethos explicitly, it’s more implicit in the culture of the profession and has developed over time. Scout law and Scout’s honour is an interesting example of this ethos in a voluntary setting. When a Scout Leader had a accident and made two scout’s in her care lie to cover it up, it was an example of the social significance of such an ethos whether the work is paid or not. The furore over MPs expenses is a more profile example of professionals perceived as breaking the ethos of their profession, if not always the letter of the law.
The word ‘professional’ stems from the way individuals with special responsibilities (often in religious settings) had to ‘profess’ their faith and commitment to their vocation. It was a public declaration. At it’s heart professional ethos is about the professional publicly committing to put the interests of others before their own. This professional integrity is the basis of the professional’s authority and status, to then serve societies needs for justice, education, health, etc. Without it, trust between the professional and service user is nigh impossible. At the same time, our attempts to hold professionals to account may be counter productive- see Onora Neill:
We are requiring those in the public sector and the professions to account in excessive and sometimes irrelevant detail to regulators and inspectors, auditors and examiners. The very demands of accountability often make it harder for them to serve public sector.
In ‘Alone Again: Ethics after certainty‘ (PDF) Zygmunt Bauman argued that ‘modern organisation is a contraption designed to make human actions immune from what the actors believe and feel privately’ (p.8). John Craig sums up these new personal demands on professionals:
Today our experiences of work have come full circle, with professional and personal values more closely connected than ever before. While for some this is a source of satisfaction, for others it can create stress and exhaustion. In order to support professional work, we need to help people to build new relationships between their personal and professional lives.
Establishing recognition of the impact of the profession’s work
Reeves and Knell explain this idea in reference to the teaching profession:
A teacher may have a PGCE, the National Union of Teachers may act effectively to secure her monopsonistic advantage, and she may have a strong motivation to equip the next generation for a fulfilling life. But she also has to succeed: the children in the classroom have to be educated.
There is a transformative aspect to the work of professionals. Their work effects real change. For some professions, articulating what this change is, is easier than it is for others. For example, a doctor ‘makes sick people better’. Increasingly though this simplification feels old-fashioned. Now doctors are “highly qualified, highly regulated experts operating in a specific, clearly demarcated occupational and institutional space”. So while impact remains crucial, it can be increasingly complex to demonstrate impact in the terms expected by service users and society at large.
New kind of professionalism
Reeves and Knell contend that throughout the latter half of the twentieth century, professional status and authority has primarily been built on restricting access to the labour market and organising collectively.
Increasingly though it is important to make the ethos and impact central. The relationship between users of professional services and the professionals themselves is changing. Users are better educated, have access to more and more information and have the means to demand increasing partnership where services are co-produced. The web is changing this balance of power, the culture of deference and the wider social context where users are much more connected. Professionals need to be clear about their ethos and what their impact is to ensure this new relationship is built on trust.
Professional identity has been based on good qualifications and good collective organisation. In the future it will need to be based more securely on good work. Good work is work undertaken with integrity as well as competence. A professional is someone who is demonstrably good at what they do, but also doing it against a set of fixed ethical benchmarks that the user can trust. Work, whether paid or unpaid, is the principal means by which we impact on the world. It is a transforming process. Good work consists of efforts to transform the world or the people around us in a positive direction. Good professional work additionally involves the exercise of a set of specific skills. This is where trends in professional identification coincide with a growing demand among individuals for work that is meaningful’.
On this point of co-production Charles Leadbeater in ‘Production by the Masses‘ looks to a post-industrial conception of our professions. Professionals currently oversee the mass production of public goods such as education and health. Instead, we need to look to how service users can be more involved in this process of production, and Leadbeater asks what the role of professionals should be in this process.
Leadbeater quotes Ivan Illich from his pamphlet, “Deschooling Society, Limits to Medicine, Disabling Professions and Tools for Conviviality”. Illich said:
The pupil is ‘schooled’ to confuse teaching with learning, grade advancement with education, a diploma with competence, and fluency with the ability to say something new. His imagination is ‘schooled’ to accept service in place of value. Medical treatment is mistaken for health care, social work for the improvement of community life, police protection for safety, military poise for national security, the rat race for productive work. Health, learning, dignity, independence and creative endeavour are defined as little more than the performance of the institutions which claim to serve these ends, and their improvement is made to depend on allocating more resources to the management of hospitals, schools and other agencies in question.
Leadbeater continues this point:
The triumph of modern industrial society, according to Illich, is the creation of institutions on a vast scale, which provide services such as education, health and policing that might have once been limited to just a few. These universal systems aspire to deliver services that are fair and reliable. Yet that in turn requires codes, protocols and procedures, which often make them dehumanising.
The paradox is that this industrial approach to establishing universal systems delivering public goods, comes with regulation to coordinate all the complex parts of the system. In time, Illich observed, this coordination through policies and procedures has a dehumanising effect. These massive systems could lead to counter productive results and a culture of dependency. It transforms citizens into consumers of these industrially produced public goods and services.
Illich wanted to achieve a delicate balance of the personal and the collective. A system dominated by the collective leads to dependent citizens, while one dominated by the personal was profoundly inequitable. For example, Illich wanted to transform education into a system of skills exchanges and directories where individuals could choose subjects based on their interest and propose others for discussion. In 1971 this was a pretty amazing precursor to the kind of system the web is beginning to make possible.
Essentially, Illich saw the role of professionals as crucial in this process of educating their users to be more self-reliant, and provide users with the means to self-assess the services that professionals offer. Instead, so often it is the professional who assesses what users need, assesses their entitlement and then inspectors evaluate. Illich saw it as vital to give citizens a greater role in service delivery.
Professionalism in the third sector
In ‘Double devolution- How to put the amateurs in charge‘, Nick Aldridge and Astrid Kirchner claim that the Third Sector is well-placed to take on the challenge of devolving the delivery of public good, with its ability to involve volunteers and citizens alongside professionals in building social capital and reforming public services.
Aldridge and Kirchner argue that the third sector tends to be wary of professionalism. They point to the low level of investment across the sector in its staff professional development.
The UK Voluntary Sector- Workforce Almanac 2007 Jenny Clark (NCVO and Workforce Hub): ”More than four out of ten voluntary sector workers (43%) are employed in ‘associate professional and technical’ and ‘managerial and senior official’ occupations. This professionalisation of the voluntary sector increases the attractiveness of the sector as a career choice.”
At the same time, work has been done to articulate standards in the third sector, for example Justin Davis Smith, Chief Executive, Volunteering England explains the importance of the National Occupational Standards for the management of volunteers:
“The redevelopment of these National Occupational Standards for the Management of Volunteers, together with a qualification framework for NVQs and SVQs, is a further significant step forward in enabling those concerned with supporting volunteers to make their full contribution to organisations and to develop their own skills and professionalism in this critical role.”
Steven Bubb, Chief Executive of the Association of Chief Executives of Voluntary Organisations (ACEVO), has campaigned for greater professionalisation in the third sector. In a lecture in 2007 ‘Building castles in the air: the case for professionalising the third sector’ (PDF):
“A growing sector, exerting power and influence whether in campaigning and advocacy, delivering services, or promoting civil society, needs to ensure high standards of professionalism in its leadership and organisation, and if the sector is growing then the public will expect to see greater transparency and accountability in charities.”
Bubb identifies a number of pressures on professionalisation in the third sector:
- Lack of investment in administration in charities due to fear of accusations of waste (criticisms of levels of pay)
- Romantic idea that volunteering activity comes at minimal costs
- Sense the large charities need to be smaller and more informal (State-funded charities should lose charitable status)
- Loose and outdated governance practices
- At present 80% of CEOs in ACEVO membership come from outside the sector, with the largest cohort from the private sector (this is potentially a limiting factor)
Broadly, Bubb believes that the third sector in its quest for professionalisation needs to respond to these pressures. It should defend levels of pay and call for more investment where needs are identified. It should be clear about the costs of supporting volunteering. It should defend charities right to grow in size. Governance practices should be overhauled and a new code of practice should be agreed. Finally, the third sector should embrace those with skills and experience from other sectors of the economy.
NCVO Third Sector Foresight adds these limitations and risks from professionalisation (particularly of volunteer management):
- Volunteering may be increasingly perceived as a means of developing skills and a career, especially for young people (see graphic below on full-time volunteering- though it’s not clear why this should necessarily be a result of the professionalisation of volunteer management. It might have more to do with the trend of volunteering to be more exchange-like (volunteering to achieve specific personal outcomes), and less gift-like (volunteering to achieve outcomes for others).
- Older or vulnerable volunteers may be discouraged from professionalised volunteering, causing a decrease in numbers of volunteers. The study that we mentioned in the last post looking at volunteer motivations found that the older volunteers were relatively more motivated by general sentiments like ‘meeting a need in the community’ and ‘making the world a better place’ than by learning new skills or career development.
- Rigid structures may discourage those who would prefer a less formalised approach (whether volunteering is over-formalised is a hot topic, but it’s important to question whether professionalisation of volunteer management necessarily results in more formalised volunteering- see this debate on e-Volunteerism). Ivan Scheier’s People Approach from 1981 is a good articulation of the different approach of volunteering, and how it doesn’t fit the formal model we have for paid jobs.
- Increased levels of complexity for organisations and particularly volunteer managers.
- Risk that innovation and spontaneity between volunteers and organisations are stifled.

Young people speak out: attitudes to, and perceptions of, full-time volunteering - June 2009 (vResearch, Ipsos MORI)
Professionalism and volunteering
It’s important to distinguish professionalism in the voluntary sector with professionalism and volunteering.
First, there’s a type of volunteering referred to as ‘professional volunteering’ which is normally used to mean volunteers who are recruited specifically to roles where they will use their skills and experience as professionals, e.g. pro bono solicitors, etc.
Second, Leadbeater and Miller wrote about the concept of professional amateurs:
A Pro-Am [professional amateur] pursues an activity as an amateur, mainly for the love of it, but sets a professional standard. Pro-Ams are unlikely to earn more than a small portion of their income from their pastime but they pursue it with the dedication and commitment associated with a professional. For Pro-Ams, leisure is not passive consumerism but active and participatory; it involves the deployment of publicly accredited knowledge and skills, often built up over a long career, which has involved sacrifices and frustrations.
Third, there’s the professionalisation of those who manage and develop volunteering. This has been a long running issue. For example, see this article by Susan Ellis back in 1997. In fact, Steve McCurley and Susan Ellis has just published (Jan 2010) an article online in e-Volunteerism where they’ve assessed the development of professional volunteerism associations (locally, regionally, nationally and internationally).
For the last decade, we’ve watched professional associations of volunteer program managers – on local, state/provincial, national and even international levels – launch, thrive, wither, revive or stagnate in dozens of countries. Our conclusion? There is still no consistency of purpose or success among these various groups, though the need for professional exchange remains as critical as ever.
One key point in the discussion has been whether people see volunteer management as a career, or just as a job. In the UK, Prospects the career website has a description of the role of a Volunteer Coordinator. But it is yet to be widely recognised as a field in itself. Part symptom, part cause is the difficulty that professional volunteerism bodies around the world have had in getting established.
Interestingly, despite the point made by Ellis and McCurley about the lack of consistency, volunteer management in the UK is advancing as a profession on the four points identified by Reeves and Knell set out at the top of this post.
Restricting entry into the labour market- new qualifications have been developed in volunteer management and the National Occupational Standards have been drawn up. However, these are more with a view to build capacity and provide formal recognition for volunteer managers, rather than restrict access to roles in volunteer management per se. There are still relatively few practitioners in volunteer management who have got achieved formal qualifications in the field.
Organising labour- the Association of Volunteer Managers along with other associations have been formed to give volunteer managers a voice and to increase the profession’s political and economic leverage. Sean Cobley AVM’s Chair has argued strongly for the professionalisation of volunteer management.
Creation and articulation of a professional ethos (set of shared values by which the profession’s work is conducted). In terms of a code, the Association of Volunteer Managers has a code of conduct for members. While in 2005 NCVO and the Charity Commission established a full blow code of governance ‘Code for the Voluntary and Community Sector‘. It follows the Nolan Principles established by the Committee on Standards in Public Life. They are Selflessness, Integrity, Objectivity, Accountability, Openness, Honesty, and Leadership.
Part of the challenge here though is developing an ethos that is distinctive from the broad code for the voluntary sector on the one hand. And different from the field of Human Resources which is often held as the equivalent to volunteer management in the private and public sector. John Ramsey and Stephen Moreton have both argued against any equivalence being made on AVM’s website.
Establishing recognition of the impact of the profession’s work is one of the hardest things for the profession of volunteer managers to achieve. There is very little research into what the impact specifically is of those professionals in volunteer management. The research that does exists tends to focus on identifying the impact of volunteering in general. For example, the Institute of Volunteering Research’s Impact Assessment toolkit or using a broader technique like Social Return on Investment (SROI).
It’s an issue that AVM discussed at its last AGM in 2009. Here’s an example of one study on volunteer management from 2004 by Kirsten Holmes – “The impact of professional volunteer management on the volunteer experience: an exploratory investigation using the Volunteer Management Orientation Score (VMOS)”. The Management Matters survey also went some way to providing some baseline information on volunteer management in England.
Professionals and amateurs
Finally it’s interesting to contrast professionals and amateurs, because actually there is a lot in common. John Graham-Cumming in an article ‘A welcome bunch of amateurs‘, looks at the issue from the perspective of amateurs.
We’re all the children of amateurs: amateur parents. There’s no government department that will certify you as a parent (thankfully), nor a university department where you get your PhD in being a daddy, nor a professional body ready to strike you off for not following mothering standards. But any parent who’s held a newborn child in their arms has unconsciously taken the amateur’s oath: “I may not be a professional, but I’m going to do whatever it takes to act like one.”
It’s a pity that too often we associate amateur with amateurish, and dismiss amateurs as second-rate pretenders to a professional throne. What we should remember is that the word amateur has its roots in the French word for love: amour. And amateurs do for love what professionals do for money.
It’s crucial not to lose sight of where professionalism and amateurism intersect: values of good work (working for the common good, not just individual self-interest). The Work Foundation has set up a Good Work Commission to develop this idea. Amateurism without values of good work is leisure. Professionalism without the values of good work is wage labour. Final word to Reeves and Knell:
The professions need to re-connect with the deeper roots of their authority: why, how and to what end they do their work. Good work begets professionalism, and the future of the professions is dependent on their ability to remake and refashion good work.
Motivations for giving
May 3rd
In ‘The Origins of Virtue‘ Matt Ridley writes: “Economists, who founded their whole discipline on the question ‘What’s in it for the individual?’, have begun to back away. Much of the innovation in economics in recent years has been based on the alarming discovery by economists that people are motivated by something other than material self-interest.” (pp 131-2). It’s like the George Mallory school of motivation theory. Mallory is quoted as responding to a reporter’s question, “Why do you want to climb Mount Everest?” with the words: “Because it’s there”. In the same way, do we just volunteer because we can?
Influenced by research in economics, do we have a tendency to overcomplicate why we give? Isn’t it really very simple? Matt Ridley again:
“The virtuous are virtuous for no other reason than that it enables them to join forces with others who are virtuous, to mutual benefit.” (p 147)
Certainly when we ask volunteers why they volunteer, the results of surveys seem to confirm the obvious. Take the recent Citizenship Survey (2009):

Or the Helping Out survey (2006-7) – it’s captured from this research bulletin ”Regular and occasional volunteers: How and why they help out” (PDF) published by the Institute of Volunteering Research:

Or the Do-it Satisfaction Survey (2009):

According to the research, ask someone why they volunteer, and most people respond: ‘to help others’. It’s a bit like asking someone why they eat bread, and getting the reply that it’s because they like ingesting food. It seems like a tautology to say people volunteer because they want to help others. Helping others is what volunteering’s about. Instead, it’s the values that underpin our concept of ‘helping others’ that are fascinating.
The discussion of values quickly takes this simple question about why people volunteer into the realms of morality. In fact, there aren’t many subjects that are more researched in volunteering than studying the motivations of those who give. But it’s rare for research, particularly recently, in volunteering motivation to focus on these ethical issues.
What we know about the motivations of those who volunteer
Why do we volunteer? By understanding people’s motivations better, so the thinking goes, we can improve the experience of those who volunteer and understand those who don’t. We need to know how to reach out to those who aren’t engaged by the volunteering we’re offering.
The psychology of motivation happens to be a subject that researchers from many different fields have been studying for many years. Why do we do what we do? What motivates us in our work? How can we be more productive? How can we be happy? The subject cuts across so many issues, but at it’s heart it’s a question about what it is to be human.
The Altruism-Egoism Split
There’s a philosophical split. One way to split a morality based on the values of altruism and egoism is to contrast the thinking of Auguste Comte with that of Ayn Rand.
When you talk about values and giving, sooner or later the word ‘altruism’ pops up. Auguste Comte was one of the first to develop a system based on altruism called Positivism. For Comte, altruism is an ethical doctrine that holds that individuals have a moral obligation to help, serve, or benefit others, if necessary, at the sacrifice of self interest. For Comte, we live for others. This is the definitive formula of morality (Catéchisme positiviste -1852).
Positivism alone holds at once both a noble and true language when it urges us to live for others. This, the definitive formula of human morality, gives a direct sanction exclusively to our instincts of benevolence, the common source of happiness and of duty. Implicitly and indirectly it sanctions our personal instincts, as the necessary conditions of our existence, with the proviso that they must be subordinate to those of altruism. With this limitation, we are even ordered to gratify our personal instincts, with the view of fitting ourselves to be better servants of Humanity, whose we are entirely. (p.313)
Humanity, or living for others, is a superior moral value, to our personal (selfish and egoistic) instincts. This was forcefully opposed by Ayn Rand ‘Philosophy: Who Needs It?‘. Take this quote about giving:
Do not hide behind such superficialities as whether you should or should not give a dime to a beggar. That is not the issue. The issue is whether you do or do not have the right to exist without giving him that dime. The issue is whether you must keep buying your life, dime by dime, from any beggar who might choose to approach you. The issue is whether the need of others is the first mortgage on your life and the moral purpose of your existence. The issue is whether man is to be regarded as a sacrificial animal. Any man of self-esteem will answer: “No.” Altruism says: “Yes.”
For Rand, this way of looking at the world amounted to ethical egoism. As an objectivist she stated: “I am not primarily an advocate of capitalism, but of egoism; and I am not primarily an advocate of egoism, but of reason. If one recognizes the supremacy of reason and applies it consistently, all the rest follows” [source]. For Rand, the mysticism of altruism from a thinker like Comte, was a denial of who we really were as humans.
Altruism and this ethical controversy that surrounds it, can feel very distant from the everyday reasons why people volunteer.
Reciprocal altruism
Before we look at how these issues affect the way we think about volunteering, another way to understand this debate about value of altruism is to look at how the theory of evolution has shaped our understanding of how cooperation develops. Our modern conception of altruism has been enormously influenced by biology, and the growth of the field of sociobiology. This summing up from Wikipedia:
Darwin’s theory of natural selection is a profoundly powerful explanation of how evolution works; its undoubted success strongly suggests an inherently antagonistic relationship between unrelated individuals. Yet cooperation is prevalent, seems beneficial, and even seems to be essential to human society. Explaining this seeming contradiction, and accommodating cooperation, and even altruism, within Darwinian theory is a central issue in the theory of cooperation.
Theories on cooperation perhaps start with Peter Kropotkin whose book, ‘Mutual Aid: A Factor in Evolution’ sketched out how cooperation was just as significant a factor in evolution as competition. Richard Dawkins and the work he’s done points out that at the level of the gene, genes are selfish. But this doesn’t mean that individuals need to be selfish. Selfish genes may programme inidividuals to be altruistic. As Dawkins puts it: “Selfish at the genetic level, which may or may not programme altruism at the individual level”. Dawkins points to the work of WD Hamilton as demonstrating how evolution can account for helping others who aren’t necessarily close relatives. In terms of understanding motives for volunteering, the work of Robert Trivers, began to change the way we understood altruism as a function of reciprocity.
This profile of Robert Trivers in The Guardian provides some of the background to this thinking behind reciprocal altruism (I’ve added the emphasis):
“Trivers came up with the notion of reciprocal altruism. In plain language, this said that self-sacrifice could be understood as self-interest providing there was a chance the beneficiary would repay the deed in the future.”
“This kindliness became part of human nature, Trivers argued, because kind instincts were rewarded and this happened because our ancestors lived sufficiently long lives in small stable groups to keep track of who owed whom favours. The great originality of the theory is not that it says that we are under certain circumstances naturally benevolent. Plenty of people had made that observation before. What no one had seen was that this benevolence requires a very strong sense of fairness if it is to become an established instinct. Fairness, or justice, has its roots for Trivers in the determination to see that other people are not cheating us, and taking favours without giving anything in return.”
“The idea that we have moral sentiments because they are useful and profitable seems to many people to misunderstand or deny the nature of morality. The whole point of altruistic behaviour is that we do it without thought of reward – sometimes, without any thought at all, as when rescuing people from drowning, or pulling them back from an oncoming car.”
Trivers explains in these ideas in his own words:
“Altruism is suffering a cost to confer a benefit. Reciprocal altruism is the exchange of such acts between individuals so as to produce a net benefit on both sides.” – ‘The Evolution of Reciprocal Altruism’
This difference is key, it provides a scientific basis for explaining how altruism can in fact benefit both the giver and the receiver. The distinction is the factor of time and the ability to keep track of these acts of altruism. He captures this in the statement below (my emphasis):
Under certain conditions natural selection favours these altruistic behaviours because in the long run they benefit the organism performing them.
We are changing our perspective beyond the individuals to the society made up of individuals. It is important to bring in the work of Robert Axelrod ‘The Evolution of Cooperation‘ who used Game Theory to demonstrate how egoism and altruism can be evolutionarily advantageous. Much of the social and political theory about cooperation today is heavily influenced by Axelrod.
A psychological understanding
In contrast to a Darwinian theory were altruism is or isn’t programmed, there’s potential to look at altruism at the level of psychological motives. There’s a Darwinian foundation, but it is crucial to look at social history to understand the particular forms that altruism actually takes. Just as now we’d argue against Kant’s idea that benevolence comes out of our sense of duty to pure reason, so we require an explanation of altruistic acts that goes beyond genetic programming. Theories of cooperation cross over with our understanding of psychology. Another way to understand the issue of altruism, and why we might be motivated to carry out altruistic acts, is by analysing what’s happening psychologically. Looking at the theory of someone like Abraham Maslow and his hierarchy of needs gives a flavour of this. His classic quote from The Farther Reaches of Human Nature (p.238):
Classic economic theory, based as it is on an inadequate theory of human motivation, could be revolutionized by accepting the reality of higher human needs, including the impulse to self actualization and the love for the highest values.
Maslow’s work brought the ‘highest values’ back into the debate. May be it was possible for people to simply help because they want to help. There is a massive literature in psychology of research that looks into what is commonly termed prosocial behaviour. It’s fascinating to consider all the external factors that can affect the likelihood of one person helping another, e.g. witnessing the accident makes people more likely to help, the amount of other potential helpers, etc. Tom Farsides, a lecturer in Social Psychology from the University of Sussex, has a really useful lecture presentation that gives a good overview of the recent psychological research on helping others. Farsides recently co-authored with Sally Hibbert a report for NCVO on Charitable Giving and Donor Motivation (PDF).
Tom Farsides’s associated paper (PDF): ““How we can help” rather than “Give us your money” – some implications of psychological research for increasing charitable giving”, looks at those who give for egoistic or altruistic reasons.
When egoistically motivated, people are likely to respond favourably to exchange opportunities that they think work in their favour. To increase ‘giving’ from people with egoistic motives requires promising to give them more of what they want in return for their greater level of investment. They are likely to respond unfavourably to requests or demands for help that do not seem to work in their favour.
When altruistically motivated, people are likely to respond favourably to communal opportunities, i.e., opportunities to work co-operatively with others who share their altruistic motives. To increase giving from altruistically motivated people requires promising that their extra help will be necessary and sufficient to improve the welfare of those they are altruistically motivated to help (but without involving ‘excessive’ costs to them or to others they care about). Altruistically motivated people want to help. They are likely to resent suggestions that they will ‘help’ only when it is in their own self-interest to do so. Unless they can clearly see potential benefits for those they care about, people with altruistic motives are likely to respond unfavourably to suggestions that their help can or needs to be ‘bought.’ People with genuinely altruistic motives will help as much as they can, whenever they see an opportunity to do so, and they will do so gladly.
Farsides argues that it’s impossible for charities to appeal to both successfully, because the two are mutually exclusive. In the long run, it’s in the interests of charities to focus on those with altruistic motives and develop by creating more opportunities to give. This is a conclusion that seems to chime with the idea of ‘crowding out‘ that we touched on in the previous post.
Motivations of volunteers
The work of the group including EG Clary, Mark Snyders, RD Ridge, Arthur Stukas and others on the motivations of volunteers has become a key reference point in the literature of what motivates people to volunteer. In their work “Understanding and assessing the motivations of volunteers: A functional approach Clary et al“, they summarised the different motivations into the following categories:
For the final part of this post I’m going to focus on the fascinating study conducted by Judy Esmond and Patrick Dunlop. It was called “Developing the Volunteer Motivation Inventory to Assess the Underlying Motivational Drives of Volunteers in Western Australia”. The final report can be found here (PDF).
Over a period of a number of years, the project developed a unique Volunteer Motivation Inventory (VMI) consisting of the following categories (these are direct quotes from the final report). These categories group together similar reasons for why people volunteer:
“1. Values (Va) whereby the individual volunteers in order to express or act on firmly held beliefs of the importance for one to help others (Clary, Snyder & Ridge, 1992). This scale consists of five statements, e.g. ‘I volunteer because I feel it is important to help others’.
2. Reciprocity (Rp) whereby the individual volunteers in the belief that ‘what goes around comes around’. In the process of helping others and ‘doing good’ their volunteering work will also bring about good things for the volunteer themselves. This scale consists of two statements, e.g. ‘I volunteer because I believe that you receive what you put out in the world’.
3. Recognition (Rn) whereby the individual is motivated to volunteer by being recognised for their skills and contribution and enjoys the recognition volunteering gives them. This scale consists of five statements, e.g. ‘I like to work with a volunteer agency, which treats their volunteers and staff alike’.
4. Understanding (Un) whereby the individual volunteers to learn more about the world through their volunteering experience or exercise skills that are often unused (Clary, Snyder & Ridge, 1992). This scale consists of five statements, e.g. ‘I volunteer because I can learn how to deal with a variety of people’.
5. Self-Esteem (SE) whereby the individual volunteers to increase their own feelings of self-worth and self-esteem. This scale consists of five statements, e.g. ‘I volunteer because volunteering makes me feel like a good person’.
6. Reactivity (Rc) whereby the individual volunteers out of a need to ‘heal’ and address their own past or current issues. This scale consists of four statements, e.g. ‘Volunteering gives me a chance to try to ensure people do not have to go through what I went through’.
7. Social (So) whereby the individual volunteers and seeks to conform to normative influences of significant others (e.g. friends or family) (Clary, Snyder & Ridge, 1992). This scale consists of five statements, e.g. ‘I volunteer because people I’m close to volunteer’.
8. Protective (Pr) whereby the individual volunteers as a means to reduce negative feelings about themselves, e.g., guilt or to address personal problems (Clary, Snyder & Ridge, 1992). This scale consists of five statements, e.g. ‘I volunteer because doing volunteer work relieves me of some of the guilt for being more fortunate than others’).
9. Social Interaction (SI) whereby the individual volunteers to build social networks and enjoys the social aspects of interacting with others. This scale consists of four statements, e.g. ‘I volunteer because volunteering provides a way for me to make new friends’.
10. Career Development (CD) whereby the individual volunteers with the prospect of making connections with people and gaining experience and field skills that may eventually be beneficial in assisting them to find employment. This scale consists of four statements, e.g. ‘I volunteer because I feel that I make important work connections through volunteering’.”
Motivated from without or within
It’s worth looking at the questions that interviewees were asked by Esmond and Dunlop (see list below) to measure what was the mix of motivations for each volunteer. What’s interesting is that the top two stand out as pretty much the only two where the emphasis is outwards. In other words, volunteering to meet “a need in the community” and “make the world a better place”, are both examples where what is happening to others is primary, and what is happening to the volunteer themselves is secondary.
Many of the other questions reflect motivations based primarily on what is happening to the volunteer, and world without is secondary. For example, volunteering because of how it makes me feel (treatment as a volunteer, how useful they feel, how good the volunteering makes them feel, etc.). Another example of this is the motivation to volunteer because of what can be acquired, e.g. friends, skills, knowledge, networks, etc.
Here are Esmond and Dunlop’s questions used in their studies (note that they are ranked here based on the results of their research, i.e. statements, that interviewees agree or disagree with, at the top of the list were ranked as more important to their reason for volunteering):
Developing the Volunteer Motivation Inventory: Rank order of importance for all volunteer motivation index items
- I volunteer because I believe I am meeting a need in the community in my volunteering role.
- I volunteer because I feel that volunteering makes the world a better place.
- I volunteer because I believe that you receive what you put out in the world.
- I volunteer because I feel that volunteering gives me a better understanding of what life is about.
- I like to work with a volunteer agency which treats their volunteers and staff alike.
- Being appreciated by my volunteer agency is important to me.
- I volunteer because volunteering makes me feel useful.
- I volunteer because I feel that volunteering is a feel-good experience.
- I would very much like my children to follow my volunteering experience.
- Being respected by staff and volunteers at the agency is not important to me.
- I do not see volunteering as part of my value system.
- I volunteer because I feel that volunteering has given me the opportunity to appreciate the differences in people.
- I have not made many friends through volunteering.
- I volunteer because I believe that what goes around comes around.
- Volunteering has had little effect on my self-esteem.
- I volunteer because volunteering makes me feel like a good person.
- I do not need feedback on my volunteer work.
- I volunteer because I do not believe the community is doing enough to help those I assist as a volunteer.
- I volunteer because I do not believe the government is doing enough to help those I assist as a volunteer.
- I like to help people because I have been in difficult positions myself.
- I feel more settled in myself after volunteering.
- I have not changed as a person through volunteering.
- I volunteer because I believe everyone should volunteer.
- I volunteer because volunteering provides a way for me to make new friends. (inwards)
- I volunteer because volunteering keeps me busy. (inwards)
- I often relate my volunteering experience to my own personal life. (inwards)
- I do not think it is important that the skills I acquire through volunteering will help me in my employment. (inwards)
- My past experiences have nothing to do with my reasons for volunteering.
- I feel that it is important to receive recognition for my volunteering work.
- The social opportunities provided by the agency are important to me.
- I volunteer because volunteering gives me an opportunity to build my work skills.
- I volunteer because I feel that volunteering is a way to build ones social networks.
- I volunteer because volunteering fits in with my religious beliefs.
- I volunteer because I look forward to the social events that volunteering affords me.
- Volunteering gives me a chance to try to ensure people do not have to go through what I went through.
- I volunteer because volunteering makes me feel important.
- Volunteering helps me deal with some of my own problems.
- I volunteer because my family has always been involved in volunteering.
- I volunteer because I feel that I make important work connections through volunteering.
- I have no plans to find employment through volunteering.
- I volunteer because I feel that volunteering will help me to find out about employment opportunities.
Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation
This discussion of sorting out the motivations that have an internal focus and those that have an external focus, should not be confused with the debate in behavioural economics about intrinsic and extrinsic factors of motivation. Intrinsic motivation coming from factors that the individual can control, e.g. the amount of effort put in, and extrinsic motivation coming from factors that are beyond the individual’s control, e.g. incentives and obligations (carrots and sticks). The work of Bruno Frey is a great example of some of these issues.
It designates those activities which are undertaken ‘for their own sake’ (Deci, 1971). The reward thus lies in the activity itself and does not come from the outside as is the case with extrinsic motivation.
This touches on the enormous debate about the role of intrinsic and extrinsic factors in motivation theory. Edward Deci’s theory of self-determination is a really interesting example, with many potential parallels with volunteering. Deci, with co-authors Koestner and Ryan, have looked for instance at the role of intrinsic and extrinsic factors in motivating students and pupils in educational settings.
When we ask whether volunteering is a means to an end or an end in itself, we’re essentially asking about the role of intrinsic and extrinsic factors of motivation in volunteering. It provokes all kinds of questions, such as, is it appropriate to use extrinsic factors if they crowd out intrinsic factors? It’s this crowding out effect that ultimately worries Farsides in his discussion of altruism and egoism and the motivations of givers of donations to charities. Appealing to the egoists, crowds out the altruists.
The role of the web in motivating us to volunteer
How do we square theory about extrinsic and intrinsic motivations with the results of research into what motivates people to volunteer? How can external factors, i.e. one’s volunteers have little control over, be the one’s that are the main drivers for people volunteering?
One explanation might be that volunteering can convert extrinsic factors into intrinsic factors. In other words, what might feel like extrinsic factors, i.e. things beyond an individual’s control, are changed by the nature of the volunteering and the structure of the volunteering project. The way the volunteering is designed and carried out can influence what we understand as factors within our control and factors beyond our control.
Volunteering can change the extrinsic factors, into intrinsic factors. Volunteers are then chiefly motivated by external factors because those are what gives individuals the sense that by volunteering, joining with others, they can begin to affect issues and factors that on their own they feel are beyond their control. Volunteering driven purely by looking inwards would not be satisfying.
So volunteering is about empowerment, it’s about self-determination as Deci calls it. Reciprocity, as identified by Trivers, is one of the key ways for givers to be able to take on extrinsic factors. It’s about understanding the reciprocal links that potentially exist between us, about living for others, and understanding how that benefits each of us individually. Volunteering at its best is a practical altruism attuned perfectly to what we find most motivating in the world.
The web it seems to me has a role to play in helping to convert extrinsic factor beyond an individuals control, into intrinsic factors that are within our control. By creating networks and groups, we can suddenly mobilise enough numbers behind factors to break them down and take them on.
One day, it might really be as simple as enough people deciding to bring about social change, for that change to come about. One day.
Further Reading
Helping others, helping ourselves: Psychologists are studying why people volunteer, and how organizations can hold on to volunteers in the long term.
Volunteer Function Inventory Scale- Clary et al: The Functional Approach to Volunteers’ Motivations (PDF)
Correlates of Satisfaction in Older Volunteers: A Motivational Perspective – THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF VOLUNTEER ADMINISTRATION – Marcia A. Finkelstein (PDF)
Motivation and volunteer participation in the «Athens 2004» Olympic Games (PDF)
Understanding Volunteers’ Motivations – Katerina Papadakis (PDF)
Empathy, External Rewards and the Motivation Crowding Effect: Impact on Volunteers - Sharmi Surianarain (PDF)
Giving Time, Money, and Blood: Similarities and Differences – Lichang Lee; Jane Allyn Piliavin; Vaughn R. A. Call – Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 62, No. 3. (Sep., 1999), pp. 276-290. (PDF)
Lessons for volunteer engagement: Plymouth Twestival
Apr 7th
Context
The group came together through Twitter and the local Devon Social Media Cafe, a monthly meet up for social media users in Devon. The group took up the challenge of organising a local Twestival and worked on its preparation in a matter of six weeks or so. Here’s an explanation of what Twestival is according to Twestival.com:
Twestival™ (or Twitter Festival) uses social media for social good. All of the local events are organized 100% by volunteers and 100% of all ticket sales and donations go direct to projects.
By the end of the odyssey, the group in Plymouth had raised almost £6,000 for Concern- making the Plymouth Twestival the third largest in terms of amount raised of all the local Twestivals around the UK in spring 2010. An amazing result, all the more so considering it was the first time the group had organised the Twitter associated fundraising extravaganza. Over 100 people attended the event at Plymouth Argyle.
Highlights included:
- an auction hosted by local celebrity auctioneer Graham Barton (from BBC series ‘Homes Under the Hammer’)
- performances from local musicians Francis and the Drakes, Kitty and the Lost Boys and the Delahays
- free pizza laid on by Domino’s Pizza Plymouth
- and a chance to play with a giant Scalextric set thanks to local company What a Giggle
Learning what’s behind this volunteering success
What follows are thoughts that come out of discussion with Chris Penberthy about his work as part of the group behind the Plymouth Twestival (March 2010).
Organising any Twestival is an incredible challenge. Twestivals are driven by volunteers and are typically organised in short periods of time, powered by the volunteers’ own resources and resourcefulness. What follows is an attempt to identify the reasons for the spectacular success of the group in Plymouth and this new model of volunteer engagement that’s being thrashed out by local groups running Twestival events all over the world.
Recruitment (or how the group’s engagement began)
In terms of volunteers, there were around 10-12 people who helped out in various ways, with a core group of 5-6 people. People joined the group, not so much because they’d seen the volunteering opportunity advertised, but because they already had a contact with someone in the group or because they were drawn in by the Twestival event itself.
The initial contact between the group members themselves and or with the Twestival event in Plymouth were almost all made informally through online social media, in particular Twitter. This meant that the group came from a very diverse range of backgrounds, united by social media and by the links with the local area.
In the beginning of the planning process, it was suggested that members of the group adopt specific roles. However, in the end, people rejected this in favour of a looser, more informal approach with each person doing what they could. Public facing roles (e.g. press, sponsorship, general enquiries, etc.) were assigned to different members of the group for pragmatic communications reasons, so the general public knew who to approach with a specific enquiry. However, behind the scenes, most members of the group ended up helping across a range of different ‘roles’ or tasks on an as needed basis. Although each member brought their own skills and experience, volunteers were not recruited on the basis of formal qualifications.
Interestingly, the vast majority had not volunteered formally before and in fact many didn’t consider their involvement with Twestival as volunteering, rather they were simply helping out with the task at hand. As a result, searching for a volunteering opportunity would have been unlikely to have been a point of entry for them had they been advertised on a volunteering opportunity website like Do-it or Volunteer Match.
Volunteers could come through the Plymouth Twestival page. But many came through simple conversation on Twitter simply tweeting or DM’ing a member of the group or the main Plymouth Twestival twitter account.
As the date of the event got closer, some formal volunteer recruitment to get help with stewarding the event was attempted through local student volunteering services. This recruitment approach didn’t result in any volunteers. In the end, this role was filled by different members of the group who helped out with stewarding on an ad hoc basis on the day itself.
Ripping up the rule book
In many ways, it was a case of ripping up the rule book on traditional volunteer management and starting again in a very different way. Chris enjoyed how this allowed the group to focus on the needs at hand, liberated from the burden of worrying about getting the policies in place beforehand. This more informal approach was possible for a number of reasons.
The group came together for a very specific purpose and was clearly time limited. The date of Twestival is fixed across the world. The group was small which enabled management to be very lightweight and informal. There was strong feeling of serendipity in the way the challenge was approached, rather than planning every last detail.
This should not in any way downplay the enormous amount of work and organisation that took place in the preparation of the event. However, it’s important to note that this work was carried out because members of the group proactively took responsibility for different tasks, rather than relied on tasks to be assigned to them.
There was also a balance of power in the sense in which all group could shape what happened and have an impact on the development of the event.
The gift relationships that bonded the group were never lost from sight, which meant people had flexibility to carry out the tasks when they could based on their actual capacity. The only pressure was the pressure people put on themselves. The group’s expectations were based on the assumption that each was delivering the best they could, not against unrealistic or imposed targets.
It was people getting together in their spare time and as a result one important ingredient in the mix was the clear sense of fun in which the group took on the challenge. This playfulness in spirit was driven by the group members themselves, but also through a sense of good-natured rivalry with events being organised in different parts of the South-West such as Bristol and Exeter
.
People were motivated by the fact they were clearly autonomous, and had a lot of freedom to do what they wanted. There was no ambition from the central organisers of Twestival to control or dictate how this group in Plymouth (or any other) should approach the challenge of fundraising for the internationally nominated charity Concern. There was also no centralised centrepiece, as is often the case with national fundraisers driven by mass media. Absence of any national centrepiece provides the Plymouth group with the space to create it’s own distinctive style which perhaps explains why it is such a powerful motivator of volunteer engagement.
It’s also important not to forget how the very social aspect of the volunteering, not only drew people to get involved, but also meant that the group stayed together up to the event itself. In fact, the group continues to meet together socially now after Twestival, which gives you an idea of the strength of the relationships and level of companionship within the group. It’s a clear example of how links built online can contribute to building social capital in local communities.
One reason why people’s commitment to the group grew was because it’s designed in a way that means volunteers’ personal interests are compatible with a broader collective interest. Twestival comes with a clear purpose or target for social impact: fundraise for a good cause. But at the same time, it leaves plenty of space for volunteers to express their personal freedom through their volunteering.
As a result volunteers were free to play out their involvement to fundraise for the cause at hand, in a way that often brought the happy side effect of meeting some of their own more personal interests. For example, through the volunteering activity many group members discovered contacts with others in the local area that could well prove useful in their wider lives as members of the community. Another example was that through their support and association with the event, volunteers could get a certain amount of valuable publicity and help build their own professional reputation.
This reason this was possible was again due in part to the informality of the event’s organisation. Each member of the group’s involvement was based not formally representing another organisation, rather people were involved more in a personal capacity. In addition, because the event is time limited and the beneficiary alternates (the next Twestival will be fundraising for a local charity) it reduces concerns about a conflict of interest arising between the fundraising purpose of the group and individual personal interests.
Limitations of informality
One specific limitation for the group in its informality was in cash handling. This limitation was overcome in the first instance because there were very few requirements to handle cash. Moreover, much of the support was in gifts in kind, many costs such as expenses were covered by each individual, and online payment methods avoids the need to a large extent for cash handling.
Technical tools
The group used the following social media tools:
- Twestival blog
- Twitter account for Plymouth Twestival
- Facebook page – public facing
- Huddle group for password protected discussion
- Good old fashioned email
Conclusions
Interestingly, Twestival clearly taps into the three key motivations cited by Daniel Pink in his latest book Drive: being autonomous, achieving mastery and having purpose. The example of the group in Plymouth clearly demonstrates the importance of having a sense of purpose and feeling independent were key factors in terms of motivating the members volunteering for the event. If the group continues to take on and organise further events, mastery and the challenge of getting better and improvements could well kick in too.
Here’s a summary of some of the learnings from this Twestival for involving volunteers:
- Time limited event – time limits commitment and provides impetus to organisation
- Clear collective purpose – fundraise for a good cause
- Twestival organised locally, not nationally – centralisation is at a minimum
- Social impact centrally defined, personal freedom undefined (how you volunteer is down to you
- Twestival provides space for local autonomy, scope to mastery as a group and a clear central purpose (in this case fundraise for Concern)
- Engagement driven by desire to be part of a community, rather than volunteering in a particular role
- Group was largely self-organised, rather than centralised by any particular member of the group
- Engagement sustained by bonds through social media, being from the same local area and volunteering in a personal capacity, rather representing an adopted organisation
Thanks again to Chris Penberthy for help with this post!
Further reading
Twestival March 2010 from Machine Media on Vimeo.
Official Plymouth Twestival video by Machine Media.
Social media, gift economy and volunteerism
Jan 6th

Social media is making the gift economy of today more visible. A good example of this new visibility is to run a simple keyword search on a website like Twitter.
I’ve just had an article published on the e-Volunteerism website: “Social Media and the Gift Economy: Volunteerism in the Vanguard”.
To follow up, I’m going to be posting on here unpicking the different aspects that I covered or touched on in the article itself.
My starting point when I began writing the article was looking at how social media is changing the field of volunteerism. Quickly though, it grew apparent, there was a recurring theme that promised to shed light on a lot of the issues that are hot topics in volunteerism today.
That theme had to do with a line of thinking about social media, volunteerism and the broader context of the gift economy:
- Social media has led to the reemergence of the gift economy on a whole new scale
- Volunteerism is one of the most developed forms of giving in many societies today
- Social media is rewriting many of the rules of engagement for volunteerism because it’s rewriting the rules of the gift economy itself
I really interested in looking and better understanding the way social media is changing the gift economy, and beginning to chart some of what the impact might be in the world of volunteerism.
To give a really quick example. A few years back, as the concept of online volunteering gained traction in the UK, it became clear in the organisation I work at (online charity YouthNet) that the process of coming to a common understanding of what online volunteering was, was challenging the more traditional concept of what volunteering was.
How for example could you distinguish between someone who responded to an online call to action to sign an online petition and an online campaigns volunteer? Or, how could you distinguish between active members of an online community of discussion boards who posted supportive comments to others, and volunteer moderators in place to support the running of the discussion boards?
Up to a few years ago this was a non-issue, until that is, funders got interested in online volunteering and wanted to know the amount of online volunteers that an organisation involved (amongst other metrics) so that they could distribute funds accordingly.
This is a quick example, but it really just alludes to the tip of the iceberg. As the web has become increasingly social, it has in turn began to change the way people volunteer and get involved in social change.
What those changes are and how they affect volunteerism will be the focus of a series of posts on this blog over the next month.
International Volunteer Managers Day
Nov 5th
How do you plan to celebrate the day? With a few fireworks? Since 2006 volunteer managers around the world have had their own day to raise awareness about the role of volunteer management and mark the contribution that volunteer managers make in fostering volunteering initiative and energy.
Increasingly in recent years, the growing campaign to establish volunteer management as a profession in its own right has spread and gained momentum. All sorts of questions have been raised by this debate. Some concern social status and formal recognition touching on sensitive, yet, fundamental issues such as earning potential, pay and conditions and career progression. In the same breath, this campaign for social status has explored the issue of merit and the value volunteer managers bring. This has raised questions about the role of qualifications, training and National Occupational Standards in defining better the very particular skill set and professional knowledge of volunteer managers.
However, for all the campaigning, I sense that many in the volunteer management community are reluctant campaigners. Any effort to put volunteer managers in the foreground takes many out of their comfort zone, away from what they are more used to: putting their volunteers’ needs and their beneficiaries needs before their own. Julia Neuberger’s characterisation of the profession as ‘volunteer organisers’ rankled because it mistook this reluctance to step into the limelight, with the fundamental value of the role itself.
The issue of words and the values we attach to them reminds me of how the word ‘organiser’ cropped up in the US Presidential campaign last year. Sarah Palin, seeking to denigrate the now US President Barack Obama’s professional experience, underlined his work as a ‘community organiser’. I remember seeing a poster from around this time. It was an image of Martin Luther King’s March on Washington in 1963. It showed Martin Luther King speaking in front of a quarter of a million people from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington. The caption said: “Not bad for a community organiser”.
There are moments that, while I agree with the need to campaign for greater recognition of the role of volunteer managers from the rest of the society, part of me thinks that we could make a pretty good start if we began by simply reassessing the way we see ourselves and each other as volunteer managers. I’ve been working in volunteer management for over a decade now, but I have to confess that I still have a fairly limited, and if I’m honest, limiting perception of what volunteer management is. Am I capable broadening that vision of volunteer management so that it could include the likes of Martin Luther King, Mahatma Gandhi or Barack Obama?
Getting back to International Volunteer Managers Day, the key to what makes this day special is that it is international. Seeing volunteer management internationally can only broaden our horizons. What’s special about this day is that it has begun to draw a line between all those around the world who help support and developing volunteering. One way to renew and reassess the way we see ourselves and the volunteer management we practice, is to learn more about what are colleagues are doing in different countries and settings around the world.
In my time working abroad, it’s been fascinating discovering the different ways volunteer management is perceived and how it is practiced. In Guatemala, I was struck how people in volunteer management roles were often valued as teachers in local communities, training others to engage. In Tunisia, I saw how many volunteer managers spent much of the time steering clear of political controversy, to ensure they had the freedom to further the social cause they believed in and worked for. In France, the volunteer manager was often responsible for communicating and instilling the passion and the message for the cause that volunteers committed to. In the UK, since I’ve been back, it’s noticeable how many volunteer managers take on a really practical role of fixer and coordinator in their groups and organisations, solving problems and getting things done, often with few resources.
International Volunteer Managers Day is a moment to take stock and learn from each other. At the same time, we can also learn about ourselves and rediscover a part of ourselves as volunteer managers and to paraphrase a famous volunteer manager from India: ‘be the change we want to see’.









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